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Syedna al-Hasan Badruddin I (RA) — The 17th Dai al-Mutlaq

سَيِّدَنَا الحَسَنُ بَدرُ الدِّينِ الأَوَّل — الدَّاعِي المُطلَق السَّابِعَ عَشَر
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The 17th Dai al-Mutlaq (809–821 AH / 1406–1418 CE), son of the 16th Dai and father of the great 19th Dai Syedna Idris Imaduddin. Known for his particular generosity toward students of 'ilm, his twelve-year tenure coincided with the founding of Ahmedabad in Gujarat and the flourishing of the Gujarat Sultanate — a period of great significance for the Bohra community's growth in India.

Full Moon of the Faith

بَدرُ الدِّينِBadr al-Din — Full Moon of the Faith. The title carries its own luminous imagery — not the brilliant flash of the conquering sun, but the steady, complete, silver-white perfection of the full moon, which illuminates the night without consuming it. The full moon does not blind; it guides. It does not overpower the darkness with violence but displaces it with a light so complete that every shadow retreats to its proper proportion. This is the quality the Dawat tradition associates with Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA), the 17th Dai al-Mutlaq: a completeness of generosity and luminous presence that made the people of the Dawat feel illuminated, cared for, and seen.

His full name: al-Dai al-Ajal Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din ibn ‘Abdallah Fakhr al-Din (RA). He was the son of the 16th Dai, Syedna ‘Abdallah Fakhr al-Din (RA), and stood at the very center of the greatest scholarly dynasty in the history of the Tayyibi Dawat. His brother was Syedna ‘Ali Shams al-Din II (RA), who would succeed him as the 18th Dai al-Mutlaq; his son was Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA), who would become the 19th Dai — the most celebrated Ismaili historian and scholar of the medieval period, author of the monumental ‘Uyun al-Akhbar and dozens of other foundational works. The 17th Dai is thus the bridge between the warrior-patriarch of the 16th Dai and the intellectual giant of the 19th: the generation in which the family’s political and scholarly energies began to crystallize into the formidable synthesis that Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA) would embody.

He assumed the office of the 17th Dai in 809 AH / 1406 CE following his father’s wafat. He led the community for approximately twelve years before his own wafat on 6 Shawwal, 821 AH / 5 November 1418 CE at Zimarmar Fort in the highlands of Haraaz, Yemen. He was buried there, alongside his father the 16th Dai, and the 14th Dai Syedna Ibrahim al-Hamidi — a complex of three sacred graves at the fortress that stands as testimony to the family’s enduring connection to this mountain stronghold across three generations of Dawat leadership.

His son Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA) led the prayers at his funeral — a detail preserved in the sources that carries its own moving quality: the greatest Tayyibi scholar of the medieval period standing at his father’s grave, offering the salat al-janaza for the man who had formed him, nurtured him in the sacred sciences, and entrusted to him — through the living transmission of the Dawat — the vast ‘ilm of the hidden Imam.


Lineage and the Sacred Dynasty of the Dawat

To understand Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) is to understand the family from which he came — because the Dawat’s history in this period is, in a significant sense, the history of a dynasty of scholars and administrators who bore the trust of the hidden Imam across one of the most turbulent centuries in Islamic history.

The Banu al-Walid al-Anf

The 17th Dai was a member of the remarkable lineage that had produced several consecutive Dais from the time of the 14th Dai Syedna Ibrahim al-Hamidi (RA). The exact genealogical connections across these generations require careful attention, as the tradition preserved in Syedna Idris’s own ‘Uyun al-Akhbar is the primary — and often sole — source for these details.

His father, Syedna ‘Abdallah Fakhr al-Din (RA), the 16th Dai, was one of the most politically active Dais in the history of the Yemeni Dawat. He had expanded the Dawat’s territorial control in the Haraaz highlands, constructed and fortified key strongholds, and administered the Dawat’s affairs during a period when the Rasulid sultans of Yemen were at the height of their power. He had also cultivated a household of deep learning — raising sons in the full depth of Tayyibi ‘ilm alongside the demands of political and military administration.

The 17th Dai’s mother’s lineage is not specified in detail in the available sources, a common feature of medieval Islamic historiography which tends to trace patrilineal descent. What is recorded, however, is that the household in which Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) grew up was one of both political authority and profound spiritual formation — a household where the Dawat’s esoteric sciences were taught alongside the practical wisdom of governance.

His Title: Badr al-Din

The title Badr al-Din — Full Moon of the Faith — was not merely honorific. In the Ismaili esoteric tradition, titles carry specific metaphysical significance. The moon in Ismaili cosmology is associated with the Natiq (the speaking prophet) in certain configurations, but the full moon (badr) more specifically evokes the quality of complete and beneficent illumination — light that is reflected from its source (the sun/the Imam) and transmitted to those who live in darkness. The Dai who bears this title is understood as one who perfectly receives and perfectly transmits the Imam’s ‘ilm — not diminishing it, not distorting it, but reflecting it with full completeness to the community.

This resonance between title and function is characteristic of Ismaili naming conventions, which often embed theological claims within honorifics. To call someone Badr al-Din is to affirm that their function in the hierarchy of the Dawat is precisely that of the full moon in the cosmos: receiving illumination from the source (the Imam) and casting it fully upon those in the world below.


The Historical Context: Yemen in the Early Fifteenth Century

To understand the tenure of the 17th Dai, one must understand the world in which he operated — a world of considerable political complexity and ongoing transformation in both Yemen and India.

The Rasulid Sultanate at Its Height

The Rasulid dynasty (626–858 AH / 1228–1454 CE) was, at the time of the 17th Dai’s tenure, approaching the later phases of its golden age. The Rasulid sultans were remarkable patrons of Islamic learning and culture — their court at Ta’izz in southern Yemen produced extraordinary works in medicine, agriculture, astronomy, and Shafi’i Islamic jurisprudence. Sultans like al-Mu’ayyad Da’ud (1296–1321) and al-Mujahid ‘Ali (1321–1363) had made the Rasulid state one of the most sophisticated in the Islamic world of their era.

By the time of the 17th Dai’s tenure in the early fifteenth century, the Rasulid state was administered by Sultan al-Ashraf Isma’il II (r. 1401–1410 CE) and then Sultan al-Nasir Ahmad (r. 1410–1424 CE). This was a period of continuing Rasulid cultural vitality, though the dynasty was beginning to experience the internal pressures that would eventually contribute to its collapse in the mid-fifteenth century.

For the Ismaili Tayyibi Dawat, the Rasulid period represented a consistent political reality: the Dawat operated as a protected minority community within a Sunni state, maintaining its autonomy primarily through its control of the mountain fortress territories of Haraaz in the highlands of western Yemen. The Rasulids, like many Sunni dynasties before them, found it pragmatic to allow the Ismaili community to maintain their religious life in the mountains, so long as they did not pose a political threat to the lowland sultanate.

The Haraaz Highlands: The Dawat’s Mountain Sanctuary

The Jabal Haraaz — the highland district of western Yemen centered on the area between Sana’a and the Tihama coastal plain — was the geographic heartland of the Tayyibi Dawat from approximately the time of the earlier Dais. The mountains here are extraordinary: dramatic, terraced slopes rising to over 3,000 meters, with villages perched on ridgelines and in deep valleys, connected by ancient footpaths and defended by a landscape that made military conquest extraordinarily difficult.

The fortress of Zimarmar — where the 17th Dai was born, lived, ruled, and was buried — was one of the key strongholds of the Dawat’s Haraaz territory. The fortress system of the Haraaz highlands, which the 16th Dai had worked to strengthen, provided the Dawat with genuine security against external threats: the mountains were difficult to assault, the local population was committed to the Dawat, and the fortresses commanded the key passes and valleys.

Within this mountain sanctuary, the Dawat maintained its institutions: the educational transmission of the esoteric sciences, the network of appointed representatives (wulat, ‘ummaal, local mazuns) who administered the community’s religious life across dispersed settlements, and the spiritual guidance that kept the community’s faith alive during the long absence of the Imam al-Tayyib.

The Ottoman Shadow and the Twilight of Rasulid Yemen

The broader geopolitical transformation of this period — the rise of Ottoman power in Anatolia and Egypt, and the eventual Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517 CE — was still a generation away from the 17th Dai’s tenure. However, the period of his dawat (1406–1418 CE) coincided with one of the most turbulent moments in Eurasian history: the campaigns of Timur (Tamerlane) had recently devastated Central Asia, Persia, and Anatolia (the Battle of Ankara, 1402 CE), sending shockwaves across the Islamic world and disrupting the established order from Samarkand to the Mediterranean.

Yemen itself was relatively insulated from the direct effects of Timur’s campaigns — the Rasulid state continued to function — but the broader instability of the Islamic world created a climate in which the protection of the Dawat’s sanctuaries in the Haraaz highlands was of particular importance. The 17th Dai inherited from his father not merely the spiritual office of the Dai al-Mutlaq but also the political and military responsibility of maintaining the community’s territorial security in an uncertain world.


His Formation: Growing Up in the Household of the 16th Dai

Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) grew up in the household of the 16th Dai — a household of both political authority and deep scholarly formation. His father had governed the Haraaz territory and captured the fortresses of Hamdha and Shanasib; he had also raised sons in the full depth of Tayyibi ‘ilm, understanding that the Dawat’s strength was ultimately measured not in territory but in the quality of the men who served it.

The education that Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) received in this household would have encompassed all the dimensions of traditional Tayyibi learning:

Zahir sciences (‘ulum al-zahir): the Quran and its recitation (tajwid), Quranic exegesis (tafsir), the traditions of the Prophet (hadith), the principles of Islamic jurisprudence (usul al-fiqh), and the particular jurisprudential tradition of the Fatimid school. These formed the outer, public dimension of Islamic learning that any qualified religious scholar would master.

Batin sciences (‘ulum al-batin): the esoteric hermeneutics of the Quran (ta’wil), the Ismaili metaphysical system (haqa’iq), the cosmological hierarchies of the Dawat, and the sirat — the biographical and historical literature of the Imams and the Dawat that preserved the community’s sacred history. These inner sciences were the heart of Tayyibi learning, transmitted only within the Dawat through a carefully controlled chain of transmission.

By the time Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) assumed the Dawat, he had spent decades immersed in the institution’s life: studying its texts, participating in its administration, and absorbing the political wisdom that came from growing up within the family that governed the Dawat’s Yemeni affairs.

The Formation of Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din

He was also the father of Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA), who was born in approximately 794 AH / 1392 CE — meaning that when the 17th Dai assumed the Dawat at his father’s death in 809 AH, his son Idris was approximately 15 years old. The years of Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din’s tenure (809–821 AH) were thus the crucial formative years of young Idris’s education: the future 19th Dai received his training in the sacred sciences under his father’s dawat, under the direct supervision of the Dai who was also his father.

This biographical convergence — of paternal love and Dawat formation — would bear extraordinary fruit in the decades ahead. Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA) would go on to write the ‘Uyun al-Akhbar (seven volumes of Dawat history), the Zahr al-Ma’ani (a major work of ta’wil), the Rawdat al-Akhbar, and numerous other works that would become the primary sources for all subsequent Bohra historical consciousness. The 17th Dai was the father, in both the literal and spiritual senses, of this extraordinary scholarly legacy.


Appointment as the 17th Dai: The Nass of the 16th Dai

The institution of the Dai al-Mutlaq is constituted through the nass — the explicit designation by the outgoing Dai of his successor. This designation, in the Tayyibi understanding, flows ultimately from the hidden Imam al-Tayyib (RA) himself, who guides the Dawat through the spirit (ruh) that animates the Dai’s office. The Dai’s nass is not an election or an appointment by a committee; it is a spiritual act of transmission through which the Imam’s authority is continued in the world during the period of his occultation.

When Syedna ‘Abdallah Fakhr al-Din (RA), the 16th Dai, approached his wafat, he performed the nass upon his son al-Hasan Badr al-Din (RA). This act of designation established the 17th Dai not merely as an administrative successor but as the living continuation of the Imam’s presence in the world — the point through which the walayah (guardianship/love) of the Imam flowed to the community of mumineen.

The year was 809 AH / 1406 CE. The Dawat that Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) inherited was a well-established institution: centuries of continuous Dawat administration had created a sophisticated network of religious guides, scholars, and community administrators spanning Yemen and India. The challenge was not to build this institution from scratch but to maintain it, protect it, and continue the transmission of the Imam’s ‘ilm through a world of constant political change.


The Administrative Structure of His Dawat

The Tayyibi Dawat operated through a sophisticated hierarchical structure — a mirror, in the earthly world, of the cosmic hierarchy of the celestial hudud (the ranks of angels and intelligences in Ismaili cosmology). At the apex of the earthly hierarchy stood the Dai al-Mutlaq, the Imam’s representative. Below him stood a series of ranked officials who extended the Dai’s authority across the community.

The sources record the administrative appointments of the 17th Dai’s tenure with particular clarity:

The Mazoon

The Mazoon (ma’dhun, literally “the one given permission”) was the Dai’s principal deputy — the second-highest rank in the Dawat hierarchy, sometimes described as the “tongue” (lisan) of the Dai. The Mazoon was authorized to teach the inner sciences, to administer the misaq (covenant) under the Dai’s authority, and to represent the Dai in administrative matters.

During the 17th Dai’s tenure, senior scholars who held positions of particular trust served in these elevated roles:

The Mukasir

The Mukasir (mukasir, literally “the one who breaks” — as in breaking the outer shell to reveal the inner meaning) was the Dawat’s administrative steward, responsible for the management of the community’s material affairs, the collection and distribution of resources, and the administrative implementation of the Dai’s directives.

During the 17th Dai’s tenure:

This administrative structure reflects the Dawat’s institutional maturity at this stage of its history. By the early fifteenth century, the Dawat had developed a professional class of religious administrators — men trained in both the ‘ilm of the Dawat and the practical arts of communal governance — who enabled the Dai to extend his pastoral and administrative reach across the dispersed mumineen of Yemen and India.


The Mark of His Tenure: Generosity Toward Students of ‘Ilm

The most distinctive quality recorded about Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) in the Dawat tradition is his particular generosity toward students of ‘ilm — specifically during the months of Sha’ban and Ramadan and on the occasions of the two Eids. This is not a casual generosity but a principled one: the Dai who most values the transmission of sacred knowledge shows that valuation in the most concrete possible way — by materially supporting those who are dedicated to its study.

The Theology of Generosity in the Dawat Tradition

In the Tayyibi Ismaili understanding, the student of ‘ilm is not merely acquiring human knowledge. The study of haqa’iq — the esoteric sciences of Tayyibi doctrine, the cosmological system, the ta’wil of the Quran — is a form of spiritual practice. It is the process of aligning the self with the hierarchical order of the cosmos, of participating in the angelic intellect’s movement toward the Universal Soul, of ascending from the zahir (the outer) to the batin (the inner) in every dimension of religious life.

The institution of learning within the Dawat is therefore not merely an educational system; it is a spiritual practice of the highest order. The transmission of the Imam’s ‘ilm through the chain of scholars — from Imam to Dai to Mazoon to Mukasir to the community of students — is the mechanism through which the Imam’s presence is maintained in the world during the period of his occultation. To support such students materially is to support this entire cosmic chain: to ensure that those who dedicate their lives to the preservation and transmission of sacred knowledge are not distracted by material want from the work that the entire community depends on them to do.

The Seasons of Generosity

The timing of the 17th Dai’s generosity — Sha’ban and Ramadan, and the two Eids — carries its own theological significance.

Sha’ban is the month that precedes Ramadan — the month of preparation, of spiritual gathering, of drawing close to the sacred season that follows. In the Dawat tradition, Sha’ban carries particular associations with the Imam’s ‘ilm and with the renewal of the community’s spiritual commitment.

Ramadan is the month of the revelation of the Quran — the supreme month of the Islamic calendar, when the zahir of religious practice is most intensely observed: the fast, the night prayers, the recitation of the Quran, the communal prayers of Tarawih. In the Tayyibi tradition, Ramadan also carries deep batin significance: the restraint of the body (sawm al-zahir) is understood as pointing to the deeper restraint of the soul, the fasting from all that distracts the mumin from the Imam’s walayah.

The two Eids — Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha — are the communal celebrations that mark the culmination of the two great ritual periods of the Islamic year. They are moments of collective joy, of the renewal of communal bonds, of gratitude for the completion of the sacred season’s demands.

For the 17th Dai to extend special generosity toward students of ‘ilm precisely during these seasons was to affirm the integration of zahir and batin: the outer religious observance of the seasons enlivened and deepened by the inner knowledge that makes it meaningful. The student who receives material support during Ramadan is freed to dedicate the entire month to the inner practices that the month demands; the student who receives a gift at Eid experiences the communal joy of the celebration without the shadow of material anxiety. The Dai’s generosity thus becomes a form of pastoral care — ensuring that those who carry the community’s ‘ilm can participate fully in its spiritual life.

The Legacy of This Generosity

This dimension of the 17th Dai’s character — his particular care for students of ‘ilm — had a direct and profound legacy. His son Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA) grew up in a household where the support of students of sacred knowledge was treated as a first priority, where the community’s investment in learning was expressed not merely in words but in the concrete generosity of the Dai himself. It is not difficult to see the connection between the father’s ethos and the son’s extraordinary literary and scholarly output: Syedna Idris’s dedication to writing, to compiling, to preserving and transmitting the Dawat’s ‘ilm across dozens of texts, reflects the values instilled in him by a father who believed, in the most concrete possible way, that sacred knowledge was worth supporting and protecting at every cost.


The Founding of Ahmedabad and the Gujarat Sultanate

The tenure of the 17th Dai coincided with one of the most historically significant moments in the history of the Bohra community’s Indian home: the founding of Ahmedabad in 814 AH / 1411 CE by Sultan Ahmad Shah I (r. 796–846 AH / 1411–1442 CE), the third sultan of the Gujarat Sultanate.

The Gujarat Sultanate: Background and Context

The Gujarat Sultanate (793–980 AH / 1391–1573 CE) was established when Zafar Khan, a general who had served the Tughlaq Delhi Sultanate, declared effective independence from Delhi and had his son Muzaffar Shah crowned as the first independent sultan of Gujarat. The Sultanate quickly established itself as one of the most prosperous states in South Asia — a maritime commercial empire whose ports at Khambhat (Cambay), Surat, and Baruch were central nodes in the Indian Ocean trade network connecting Arabia, East Africa, Persia, and Southeast Asia.

Gujarat’s commercial prosperity was built on textiles — the famous Gujarat cottons, block-printed and woven fabrics that were traded across the entire Indian Ocean world — and on the mercantile communities that inhabited its cities. Among these communities, the Bohra merchants (then called Bohoras or Bohras from the Gujarati word for “trade”) occupied a distinctive niche: they were Ismaili Muslims with a centuries-long tradition of commerce in the Gujarat region, their religious identity maintained through the Dawat’s network of representatives even as their economic life was deeply integrated into Gujarat’s mercantile culture.

Ahmedabad: The New Capital

Sultan Ahmad Shah I’s decision to found a new capital city — Ahmedabad (Ahmadabad), named for himself and for the Prophet Muhammad’s name Ahmad — was a major act of political and cultural assertion. The city was established on the eastern bank of the Sabarmati River, on a site that offered excellent agricultural hinterland, access to the river’s water resources, and a strategic position within Gujarat’s geography.

The founding of Ahmedabad in 1411 CE — during the tenure of the 17th Dai — represented an extraordinary opportunity for the Bohra community. The new capital required settlers, merchants, craftsmen, and commercial activity of all kinds. For the Bohras — experienced merchants with networks across the Gujarat region and connections to the Arabian and East African trade — the new city offered the prospect of establishing a community presence at the heart of one of South Asia’s most prosperous states.

The historical record confirms that Bohra communities did establish themselves in Ahmedabad, and that the city became — over the course of the subsequent century and a half — one of the most important centers of Bohra communal life in India. The community’s concentration in Ahmedabad eventually made it one of the key locations for the Dais who transferred to India in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

The Dawat’s Pastoral Responsibility to the Gujarat Community

Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) was stationed in Yemen — at Zimarmar and the other Haraaz fortresses — throughout his tenure as Dai. The physical distance between Yemen and Gujarat was enormous: by sea, the journey could take several weeks depending on the monsoon; overland, it was impractical. This meant that the 17th Dai administered the community’s affairs in India through appointed representatives — local wulat (governors/representatives) and shaykhs who carried the Dai’s authority to the Bohra communities of Gujarat.

The maintenance of this administrative network — across the enormous geographic distance between Yemen and Gujarat — was one of the 17th Dai’s central responsibilities. The mumineen of Gujarat needed to renew their misaq (covenant of walayah), receive religious guidance, transmit the Dawat’s dues and wajibs, and maintain their connection to the living chain of the Dai. The administrative representatives appointed by the 17th Dai were the links in this chain that kept the Gujarat community spiritually connected to the Dai in Yemen.

The Growth of the Bohra Community in India

The period of the early fifteenth century was one of sustained growth for the Bohra community in India. The Gujarat Sultanate provided a relatively stable and commercially prosperous environment in which the community could thrive. The sultans of Gujarat — who were themselves Muslims — did not systematically persecute minority Muslim communities like the Bohras, though they naturally favored Sunni Islam as the state religion.

The Bohra community’s distinctive combination of traits — commercial skill, tight communal discipline, religious distinctiveness, and loyalty to their own leadership — gave them advantages in the mercantile environment of medieval Gujarat. Their trade networks, reinforced by communal trust and religious solidarity, allowed them to operate as a highly effective commercial community while maintaining their religious identity.

The 17th Dai’s pastoral responsibility was to ensure that this commercial success did not come at the cost of the community’s religious life: that the Bohras of Gujarat remained bound to the Imam’s walayah through the chain of the Dawat, that they observed the religious obligations of the misaq, and that they transmitted the community’s religious identity to the next generation.


Yemen and the Dawat: Political Relations and the Protection of the Haraaz

The 17th Dai’s tenure in Yemen required constant political navigation — the maintenance of the Dawat’s autonomy and security within a Sunni state that was both patron and potential threat.

Relations with the Rasulid Sultans

The Rasulid sultans of Yemen were Shafi’i Sunnis — orthodox Muslims who theoretically regarded the Ismaili Tayyibi community as a heretical minority. In practice, however, the Rasulids were pragmatic rulers who recognized several realities: the Ismaili communities in the Haraaz highlands were a well-organized, deeply rooted presence that would be extremely difficult to eliminate by force; the Haraaz fortresses were militarily formidable; and the Ismaili community posed no direct political challenge to the Rasulid state so long as it was treated with reasonable autonomy.

The result was a practical arrangement: the Dawat maintained its religious and administrative autonomy in its highland territories, paid appropriate tributes and maintained diplomatic relations with the Rasulid court, and avoided the kind of proselytization or political activity that might provoke a Rasulid response. The Rasulids, for their part, did not attempt to suppress the Dawat by force.

This arrangement required constant diplomatic skill on the part of the Dai — an ability to maintain cordial relations with the Rasulid court while preserving the community’s religious distinctiveness and doctrinal integrity. The 16th Dai had demonstrated this skill; the 17th Dai inherited and continued it.

The Importance of the Fortress Network

The physical security of the Dawat depended on the mountain fortress network of the Haraaz. The major fortresses — Zimarmar, Hamdha, Shanasib, and others — were not merely military installations; they were also centers of the Dawat’s religious and administrative life. The Dai typically resided in one of these fortresses, and the key institutions of the Dawat — the schools (madrasa) where ‘ilm was transmitted, the administrative offices, the stores of Dawat documents and texts — were housed within them.

The 17th Dai’s residence at Zimarmar continued the pattern established by his father and grandfather: the fortress as the center of Dawat life, the mountain as the physical expression of the Dawat’s protected position between earth and sky, between the zahir world of political reality and the batin world of the Imam’s hidden presence.


The Spiritual Significance of the Dai al-Mutlaq

To understand Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA)‘s role, one must understand what the office of the Dai al-Mutlaq means in Tayyibi theology — because this is the ultimate context within which all the historical details of his tenure find their meaning.

The Imam in Occultation: The Context of the Dawat

The Tayyibi Ismaili Dawat was constituted by a specific historical moment: the occultation (ghaybah) of the 21st Imam, al-Tayyib abi al-Qasim (AS), who was hidden from public view in approximately 528 AH / 1134 CE during the reign of the Fatimid caliph al-Hafiz in Egypt. The circumstances of the occultation are complex — they involve the political conflicts of the Fatimid court and the question of the legitimate succession to Imam al-Amir — but the theological reality it established is clear: the Imam al-Tayyib is alive, in occultation, and will reappear at the appointed time known only to Allah.

During the Imam’s occultation, the Dawat continues its work through the Dai al-Mutlaq — the “absolute deputy” or “plenipotentiary,” the one who acts with the full authority of the Imam in all matters relating to the community’s religious life. The Dai is not the Imam; he is the Imam’s representative, the point of contact between the hidden Imam and the community of mumineen. His authority is derived from — and ultimately an expression of — the Imam’s authority.

The Dai as the Bab al-Imam

In Ismaili theological terminology, the Dai al-Mutlaq is sometimes described as the Bab — the “door” or “gateway” — through which the Imam’s nur (light) and ‘ilm (knowledge) reach the community. Just as a physical door is not the house itself but the necessary passage through which one enters the house, the Dai is not the Imam but the necessary passage through which the mumin accesses the Imam’s walayah.

This theological understanding gives the Dai’s every action a cosmic significance. When the 17th Dai receives a student of ‘ilm during Ramadan and gives him material support, this is not merely an act of personal generosity; it is the Imam’s provision flowing through the Dai to those who serve the Imam’s ‘ilm. When the 17th Dai appoints a Mazoon and a Mukasir, this is not merely administrative organization; it is the establishment of the cosmic hierarchy of the Dawat in the earthly realm, mirroring the celestial hierarchy of the hudud al-din.

Every act of the Dai — every decision, every appointment, every text he authorizes, every guidance he issues — carries this dual character: it is simultaneously an earthly act with earthly consequences and a spiritual act with cosmic significance. The Dai acts in time, but his actions have their meaning in eternity.

The Dai’s Role as Preserver of ‘Ilm

Perhaps the most important dimension of the Dai’s role during the period of occultation is the preservation and transmission of the Imam’s ‘ilm. The Imam al-Tayyib is in occultation; he is not accessible to the community in the ordinary sense. But his ‘ilm — the sacred knowledge that he received from his predecessors in the chain of the Imams, going back through ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib to the Prophet Muhammad — does not cease to exist because the Imam is hidden. It is preserved in the texts, the traditions, and the living transmission of the Dawat.

The Dai al-Mutlaq is the guarantor of this preservation. He ensures that the chain of transmission remains unbroken: that the students receive the ‘ilm from the Mazoon, the Mazoon from the Dai, and the Dai from the Imam (through the living spirit of the Dawat that connects him to the hidden Imam). He authorizes the texts that are taught, the interpretations that are valid, the scholars who are qualified to teach. He is, in this sense, the custodian of the community’s most precious possession.

The 17th Dai’s particular emphasis on support for students of ‘ilm must be understood within this framework. He was not merely being personally generous; he was fulfilling a specific dimension of his role as Dai — the dimension of ensuring that the Imam’s ‘ilm was actively transmitted through a living chain of qualified scholars.


The Scholarly Tradition of the Dawat in This Period

The 17th Dai’s tenure falls within one of the most intellectually productive periods in the history of the Tayyibi Dawat. The scholarly tradition that had been established by the earlier Dais — particularly the great Hamidi scholars of the eleventh and twelfth centuries — was by the early fifteenth century a mature and sophisticated intellectual tradition.

The Hamidi Tradition

Syedna Hatim ibn Ibrahim al-Hamidi (RA), the 3rd Dai al-Mutlaq (d. 596 AH / 1199 CE), had established the Dawat’s foundational philosophical-theological tradition with works like Tuhfat al-Qulub and al-Risala al-Wadi’a. The Hamidi school of Tayyibi thought — characterized by a sophisticated integration of Neoplatonic cosmology with Ismaili theology and the ta’wil of the Quran — had become the defining intellectual tradition of the Dawat.

By the time of the 17th Dai, this tradition had been enriched by several generations of scholars: the works of the 7th Dai Syedna Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Nisaburi (RA), the 14th Dai Syedna Ibrahim al-Hamidi (RA), the 15th Dai Syedna Hasan ibn Ibrahim al-Hamidi (RA), and the 16th Dai Syedna ‘Abdullah Fakhr al-Din (RA). Each of these scholars had contributed texts to the Dawat’s library — works of ta’wil, haqa’iq, and Dawat administration that formed the curriculum of the Dawat’s educational institutions.

The Texts Being Studied

In the Dawat’s educational circles during the 17th Dai’s tenure, the following types of texts would have been central to the curriculum:

Foundational texts of Tayyibi theology and cosmology: the works of Hamdan Qarmat and Abu Ya’qub al-Sijistani from the earlier Ismaili tradition, adapted and integrated into the Tayyibi framework; the works of Syedna Hatim al-Hamidi and his successors in the specifically Tayyibi tradition.

The Quran and its ta’wil: the Ismaili interpretation of the Quran — the ta’wil — was the heart of the Dawat’s intellectual tradition. Every verse of the Quran had both a zahir meaning (the outer, linguistic meaning accessible to any Arabic reader) and a batin meaning (the inner, esoteric meaning that pointed to the truths of the Dawat’s cosmological and theological system). The ta’wil was the primary intellectual activity of the Dawat’s scholars.

The biographical literature of the Imams and Dais: the sirat tradition — the sacred biographies of the Imams, the Prophets, and the Dais — preserved the community’s sacred history and provided the narrative framework within which the mumineen understood their own place in the cosmos. Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA) would later expand this tradition enormously with his ‘Uyun al-Akhbar.

Jurisprudence: the Dawat maintained its own tradition of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), rooted in the Fatimid tradition and administered through the community’s religious courts. The study of the Dawat’s fiqh — marriage, divorce, inheritance, commercial law, ritual obligations — was a central part of the education of any Dawat official.

The 17th Dai’s Own Scholarly Contributions

The sources do not attribute to the 17th Dai a large body of independent literary production — a pattern that reflects both the nature of the historical record for this period and the reality that not every Dai was primarily a literary scholar. The 16th and 18th Dais similarly left relatively small literary records, while the 19th Dai (Syedna Idris) left an enormous one.

This does not mean that the 17th Dai was not learned — the sources consistently portray him as a man of deep ‘ilm — but rather that his primary contribution was in the domain of tarbia (formation and nurturing) rather than ta’lif (literary production). He formed scholars, supported students, maintained the institutions of learning, and created the environment in which his son would produce the greatest literary corpus in the history of the Tayyibi Dawat. This is itself a form of scholarly contribution — the teacher who produces a great student has contributed to the tradition in a way that may ultimately be more significant than any individual text.

The Dawat tradition preserves the following about the scholarly character of the 17th Dai:


The Community of Mumineen: Life Under the 17th Dai

What was life like for ordinary mumineen during the tenure of the 17th Dai? The historical sources, focused as they inevitably are on the great figures and major events, give us only glimpses of the community’s everyday life — but these glimpses are revealing.

The Yemeni Community

In Yemen, the Dawat’s mumineen were concentrated in the Haraaz highlands — the terraced mountain villages and fortified settlements that constituted the Dawat’s territorial heartland. These communities were primarily agricultural: they cultivated the famous Haraaz terraces, growing coffee (which would later become Yemen’s most famous export), qat, sorghum, and other crops on the extraordinarily steep and engineered mountain slopes.

The religious life of these communities centered on the masajid and mahhis (prayer halls) that the Dawat maintained in each settlement, on the waaz (religious discourses) delivered by qualified scholars, and on the cycle of religious observances that structured the Ismaili year: the Friday prayers, the Eid celebrations, the remembrance of the Imams and Dais through the urs (death anniversaries) commemorations, and the great waaz majalis of the Fatimid Ismaili calendar (the celebration of Eid al-Ghadir, the mawlid of the Prophet, and other occasions).

The mumineen of Yemen were deeply tied to the Dawat’s administrative structure. The payment of religious dues (wajibs) — including the zakat, the khums, and various community obligations — was administered through the Dawat’s network of representatives. The Mazoon and Mukasir of the 17th Dai managed this administrative system, which served both the community’s religious needs and the material sustenance of the Dawat’s institutions.

The Indian Community

The Bohra community of Gujarat and western India lived in a very different physical and social environment from their Yemeni co-religionists. They inhabited the cities and towns of one of South Asia’s most commercially dynamic regions: Khambhat, Patan, Cambay, and — by the late years of the 17th Dai’s tenure — the new city of Ahmedabad.

Their religious life was maintained through a network of local representatives (shaykhs, wa’izun, aamils) appointed by the Dai. These representatives administered the community’s religious affairs, led prayers, delivered waaz, administered the misaq and its renewal, and managed the flow of information and resources between the Indian community and the Dai in Yemen.

The Indian mumineen were primarily engaged in commerce — the textile trade, maritime trade across the Indian Ocean, money-changing and banking, and the various service industries connected to these commercial activities. Their commercial success funded the Dawat’s operations in Yemen and provided the material foundation for the community’s continued existence in India.

The 17th Dai’s pastoral responsibility toward the Indian community was mediated entirely through this network of appointed representatives — a fact that required the Dai to exercise considerable judgment in the selection of the right individuals for these critical roles.


The Mojezat (Miracles) of the 17th Dai

The Dawat tradition preserves accounts of extraordinary events associated with Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) — accounts that the tradition reads as evidence of the divine barakah (blessing) that flowed through him as the Imam’s representative.

The Barakah of His Generosity

The most celebrated of these accounts concerns the extraordinary barakah associated with the 17th Dai’s generosity toward students of ‘ilm. The tradition records that those who received the 17th Dai’s gifts during Ramadan reported not merely material relief but a transformation in their capacity for learning: a clarity of understanding, a deepening of insight into the haqa’iq, a sense of the Imam’s own knowledge flowing through the Dai’s generosity into the minds of those who had dedicated themselves to its study.

This is a subtle but profound miracle: not the dramatic intervention of natural laws but the spiritual multiplication of understanding — the gifted student becoming a great scholar, the moment of material provision becoming a turning point of intellectual and spiritual transformation. The tradition understands this as the barakah of the Imam’s walayah flowing through the Dai’s generosity: when the Dai supports students of ‘ilm, he is not merely being kind but channeling the Imam’s own care for those who preserve his ‘ilm.

The Du’a That Formed the Greatest Scholar

A related account — preserved with deep reverence in the Dawat tradition — concerns the 17th Dai’s prayers for his son Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA). The tradition holds that the extraordinary intellectual gifts Syedna Idris (RA) displayed — gifts that would eventually produce the ‘Uyun al-Akhbar, the Zahr al-Ma’ani, and dozens of other works — were in significant measure the fruit of his father’s du’a and the barakah of being formed in the household of a faithful Dai who prayed for his son’s ‘ilm with the same earnestness with which he prayed for the community’s welfare.

اللَّهُمَّ بَارِكْ فِي عِلْمِ وَلَدِي وَاجْعَلْهُ مِنَ العُلَمَاءِ الَّذِينَ يَنفَعُونَ دَعوَتَكَ — “O Allah, bless the knowledge of my son and make him among those scholars who benefit Your Dawat” — this is the du’a the tradition associates with the 17th Dai’s prayers for Syedna Idris, and the tradition reads the extraordinary literary output of the 19th Dai as the divinely granted answer to his father’s prayer.

The Protected Community of India

A third account concerns the providential protection of the Bohra community in India during the political transitions of the early Gujarat Sultanate period. The founding of a new capital, the disruption of established commercial patterns, the uncertainties of a relatively new dynasty — all of these factors created potential vulnerability for minority communities like the Bohras.

The tradition records that the Bohra community in Gujarat remained intact, growing, and spiritually connected to the Dawat throughout this period of rapid change — and attributes this providential continuity to the 17th Dai’s intercession through du’a and the Imam’s protection flowing through his walayah. The barakah of the Dai’s prayers, the tradition holds, extended across the ocean to protect the community in India even when the Dai himself was physically distant in the mountains of Yemen.

The Illumination of the Night Gathering

The tradition also preserves an account of an extraordinary event during one of the 17th Dai’s majalis ‘ilmiyya — the regular gatherings of scholars and students for the transmission of the Dawat’s esoteric sciences. During this gathering, as the Dai was expounding the deepest secrets of the ta’wil of a particular Quranic verse, witnesses reported a visible nur (light) that seemed to emanate from the gathering — not the ordinary light of lamps but a quality of luminosity that those present associated with the presence of the Imam’s spirit in the Dai’s teaching. This account — preserved in the oral tradition of the Dawat — is consistent with the theological claim embedded in the Dai’s title Badr al-Din: that he was, literally, a source of the Imam’s divine light in the world.


The Transition: Nass upon the 18th Dai

Before his wafat on 6 Shawwal, 821 AH / 5 November 1418 CE, Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) performed the nass — the explicit designation of his successor — upon his brother Syedna ‘Ali Shams al-Din II (RA), who became the 18th Dai al-Mutlaq.

Syedna ‘Ali Shams al-Din II (RA): Shams al-Din — Sun of the Faith. Where the 17th Dai was the Full Moon — complete, steady, beneficent illumination — the 18th Dai was the Sun: the more direct, more blazing source of light in the Dawat’s metaphorical cosmology. The two brothers who succeeded each other as 17th and 18th Dais thus bore titles that together evoke the full range of cosmic illumination: the steady silver fullness of the moon, followed by the brilliant directness of the sun.

The nass of the 17th Dai upon his brother rather than his son is significant. It reflects the principle that the nass flows from the Imam’s guidance through the Dai — and that it may designate anyone the Imam’s spirit directs, regardless of biological relationship. Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA), the 17th Dai’s brilliant son, would eventually receive the nass from his uncle the 18th Dai, becoming the 19th Dai — a remarkable dynastic continuity in which the ‘ilm of the Dawat flowed through the same remarkable family for three consecutive generations (16th, 17th, 18th, 19th Dais), with the 17th Dai’s biological son becoming the 19th Dai through his uncle.

The decision to designate his brother rather than his son at this moment was, in the tradition’s understanding, a decision guided by the Imam’s spirit rather than by any calculation of human preference or biological priority. The 17th Dai, as a faithful Dai, submitted to the guidance he received and designated the one whom the Imam had chosen — even if that meant that his own son would continue his formation under the guidance of another Dai before receiving the nass in his own time.


Wafat, Mazaar, and the Sacred Geography of Yemen

The Wafat

Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) passed from this world on 6 Shawwal, 821 AH / 5 November 1418 CE at Zimarmar Fort in the Haraaz highlands of Yemen. His twelve-year tenure had been a period of steady, generative stewardship — the Full Moon shining through the night of the Imam’s occultation, giving the community all the light they needed to find their way.

The circumstances of his wafat are not preserved in detail in the available sources. What is preserved is the detail that his son Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA) — then approximately 26–27 years old — led the funeral prayers (salat al-janaza) for his father. This detail is preserved because it carries emotional and spiritual weight: the son who would become the Dawat’s greatest scholar standing at his father’s grave, performing the final religious act of farewell for the man who had been simultaneously his biological father, his spiritual teacher, and his Imam’s representative in the world.

The date — 6 Shawwal — became one of the urus dates in the Dawat’s religious calendar. The urus (from Arabic ‘urs, wedding) of a Dai or wali is not merely an anniversary of death; in the Sufi and Ismaili traditions, it is understood as the “wedding” of the soul with its Creator — the moment when the temporary separation of the soul from its divine source is ended and the soul returns to its origin. The urus of the 17th Dai, observed on 6 Shawwal, is marked in the community with the recitation of salawat, du’a, and the remembrance of his generous and luminous stewardship of the Imam’s trust.

The Mazaar at Zimarmar

The mazaar (grave-shrine) of Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) is located at Zimarmar Fort in the Haraaz highlands of Yemen. This mazaar is part of an extraordinary sacred complex at Zimarmar that contains the graves of three consecutive generations of Dawat leadership:

The presence of these three mazaars at Zimarmar makes the fortress one of the most sacred sites in the sacred geography of the Yemeni Dawat. For mumineen undertaking ziyarat in Yemen, Zimarmar is a place of deep significance — not merely historically but spiritually, as a site where the barakah of three generations of Dais is concentrated in the physical landscape of the Haraaz mountains.

The physical setting of the mazaar — a mountain fortress in the dramatic highlands of western Yemen, surrounded by the terraced agricultural landscape of Haraaz — reflects the character of the Dawat’s Yemeni chapter. These were men who lived at altitude, who governed from mountain strongholds, who looked out over the valleys and plains from heights that made the world seem both small and vast. Their mazaars in these heights are fitting: above the plain of ordinary life, in the place between earth and sky, where the zahir and batin meet.

Ziyarat at Zimarmar

For mumineen who undertake the sacred journey to Yemen to visit the mazaars of the Dais, Zimarmar occupies a special place. The journey to Zimarmar is not easy — the roads into the Haraaz highlands are difficult, the terrain is challenging, and the site requires genuine effort to reach. But this difficulty is itself part of the ziyarat’s meaning: the effort of the journey is an expression of the mumin’s love for the Dais, of the willingness to expend physical effort in service of the Imam’s walayah.

At the mazaar, the mumin recites the appropriate ziyarat prayers — formal supplications that address the Dai by his spiritual station, acknowledge his role as the Imam’s representative, and seek his intercession with the Imam and ultimately with Allah. The tradition of the ziyarat preserves the understanding that the Dai’s barakah does not end with his wafat: the Imam’s walayah continues to flow through the Dai’s mazaar as a point of spiritual access for mumineen who seek the Imam’s nearness.

Ziyarat du’a for Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA):

السَّلَامُ عَلَيكَ يَا مَولَايَ يَا سَيِّدَنَا الحَسَنَ بَدرَ الدِّينِ، الدَّاعِيَ السَّابِعَ عَشَرَ إِلَى اللهِ، السَّلَامُ عَلَيكَ أَيُّهَا الدَّاعِي الصَّادِقُ وَالوَلِيُّ الكَرِيمُ. أَشهَدُ أَنَّكَ أَدَّيتَ الأَمَانَةَ وَبَلَّغتَ الرِّسَالَةَ وَنَصَحتَ لِأُمَّةِ وَلِيِّكَ. رَحمَةُ اللهِ عَلَيكَ وَرِضوَانُهُ وَبَرَكَاتُهُ.

Al-salamu ‘alayka ya Mawlaya ya Sayyidana al-Hasan Badr al-Din, al-da’i al-sabi’ ‘ashar ila Allah. Al-salamu ‘alayka ayyuha al-da’i al-sadiq wa’l-wali al-karim. Ashhadu annaka addayta al-amana wa ballaghta al-risala wa nasahta li-ummat waliyyik. Rahmatu Allah ‘alayka wa ridwanuhu wa barakatuh.

Peace be upon you, O our master Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din, the seventeenth Dai unto Allah. Peace be upon you, O the truthful Dai and the generous guardian. I bear witness that you fulfilled the trust, conveyed the message, and gave sincere counsel to the community of your guardian. The mercy of Allah be upon you, His pleasure, and His blessings.


The Dynastic Chain: From the 14th to the 19th Dai

The tenure of Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) can only be fully understood as one link in an extraordinary chain — a family that bore the Dawat’s leadership through one of its most formative periods.

The 14th Dai: Syedna Ibrahim al-Hamidi (RA)

Syedna Ibrahim ibn al-Husayn al-Hamidi (RA) (d. 596 AH / 1199 CE) was one of the greatest scholars in the history of the Tayyibi Dawat. His tenure coincided with the Ayyubid period in Yemen — the dynasty founded by Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi (Saladin) that ruled Yemen from approximately 1174 to 1229 CE. The Ayyubids were Sunni rulers who were generally more assertive about their Sunni identity than the Rasulids who followed them, making the Dawat’s position in Haraaz somewhat more precarious during this period.

Syedna Ibrahim al-Hamidi’s response to this political context was scholarly: he produced a body of texts — including the Tuhfat al-Qulub and the Kanz al-Walad — that became foundational to the Tayyibi intellectual tradition. His mazaar at Zimarmar makes him a neighbor in death to the 16th and 17th Dais, a fact that speaks to the enduring connection between these figures and this particular mountain fortress.

The 15th Dai: Syedna al-Hasan ibn Ibrahim al-Hamidi (RA)

Syedna al-Hasan ibn Ibrahim al-Hamidi (RA) was the son of the 14th Dai. His tenure continued the scholarly and political work of his father, navigating the transition from Ayyubid to Rasulid rule in Yemen. He continued the family’s residence in and around the Haraaz fortresses and continued the transmission of the ‘ilm he had received from his father.

The 16th Dai: Syedna ‘Abdallah Fakhr al-Din (RA)

Syedna ‘Abdallah Fakhr al-Din (RA), father of the 17th Dai, was the most politically and militarily active of this generation of Dais. He expanded the Dawat’s territorial control in Haraaz, captured key fortresses, and administered the community during a period of Rasulid strength. His long tenure established the institutional foundations on which his son would build.

The 17th Dai: Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA)

The subject of this article — the Full Moon of the Faith, whose twelve years of tenure combined deep learning with extraordinary generosity, who formed the greatest scholar the Dawat had yet produced, and who died at Zimarmar leaving the community stronger and more connected to the Imam’s walayah than he had found it.

The 18th Dai: Syedna ‘Ali Shams al-Din II (RA)

Syedna ‘Ali Shams al-Din II (RA), the 17th Dai’s brother and successor, continued the family’s stewardship of the Dawat through the later years of Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din’s formation. His tenure bridged the gap between the 17th Dai and his son’s eventual designation as the 19th Dai.

The 19th Dai: Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA)

Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din ibn al-Hasan (RA) — the son of the 17th Dai — is, in many respects, the culminating figure of this dynastic chain. Born in approximately 794 AH / 1392 CE and serving as the 19th Dai from 840 AH / 1436 CE until his wafat in 872 AH / 1468 CE, Syedna Idris produced a body of scholarly work that is unparalleled in the history of the Tayyibi Dawat.

His primary historical work — the ‘Uyun al-Akhbar wa Funun al-Athar (Eyes of the Reports and Varieties of the Traces) — is a seven-volume history of the Ismaili Imams and Dais from the Prophet Muhammad to the early Dais of the Tayyibi period. Written in Arabic, with extraordinary attention to historical detail and preserved primary sources, the ‘Uyun al-Akhbar is the single most important source for Ismaili history — not only for the Dawat’s own traditions but for historians of Islam more broadly.

Syedna Idris also wrote:

This extraordinary output was the product of a mind formed in the household of the 17th Dai — shaped by a father who valued ‘ilm supremely, who supported students of ‘ilm with his own wealth, and who created an environment in which the deepest study of the Imam’s sacred sciences was treated as the most important activity a human being could engage in. Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA) was, in this sense, the greatest mojeza of his father’s tenure — the living proof of what the 17th Dai’s investment in ‘ilm could produce.


The Legacy of Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) in the Dawat’s Long History

The legacy of the 17th Dai is felt most powerfully in the domains where his influence was most direct: the formation of scholars, the support of students, and the maintenance of the Dawat’s institutional life during a critical period of transition.

The Formed Scholar: Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din

The most significant element of the 17th Dai’s legacy is the one he did not write — the son he formed. Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din (RA) is the source from which all subsequent Bohra historical consciousness flows. Every article on this platform that draws on historical sources for the early Dais is drawing, ultimately, on Syedna Idris’s ‘Uyun al-Akhbar. Every mumin who knows the names of the Dais, the dates of their tenures, the locations of their mazaars, the titles of their kitabs — knows these things because Syedna Idris sat down and wrote them, preserving them against the loss that would have swallowed them otherwise.

That Syedna Idris became who he was — that the ‘Uyun al-Akhbar was written — is inseparable from the formation he received in his father’s household. The 17th Dai’s greatest scholarly contribution was not a kitab; it was a son.

The Ethos of Generous Learning

The second major dimension of the 17th Dai’s legacy is the ethos he embodied and transmitted: the understanding that the support of students of ‘ilm is a religious obligation of the highest order, that the Dawat’s investment in learning must be expressed in concrete, material generosity and not merely in words.

This ethos — modeled by the 17th Dai during Ramadan and the Eids — became part of the Dawat’s ongoing tradition of supporting ‘ilm: the Dai’s generosity toward students as an expression of the Imam’s care for those who preserve his sacred knowledge. Every subsequent Dai who supported students of ‘ilm, who provided resources for the study of the esoteric sciences, who created the material conditions in which scholars could flourish — every such Dai was following the example the 17th Dai embodied.

The Protected Community

The third dimension of the 17th Dai’s legacy is more diffuse but no less important: the preservation, during his twelve-year tenure, of the community’s integrity and spiritual connection across two continents. The mumineen of Yemen continued their religious life in the Haraaz highlands; the Bohras of Gujarat continued to grow and prosper; the misaq was renewed, the ‘ilm was transmitted, the chain of walayah remained unbroken.

This is not a dramatic legacy — no major conquest, no famous text, no single event that arrests the historical narrative. But it is, in many respects, the most important kind of legacy for a Dai during the period of the Imam’s occultation. The Imam is hidden; the community waits. What the Dai must do, above all, is ensure that the community remains connected, that the chain is not broken, that when the Imam returns he will find a community that has preserved its walayah intact.

The 17th Dai did this. He received the Dawat from his father, maintained it through twelve years of careful and generous stewardship, and passed it to his brother in the same condition — or better — than he had received it. The chain was not broken on his watch. The full moon shone without interruption through the night, and the community found its way by its light.


Reflections on the Dawat’s Continuity

The 17th Dai’s tenure raises a reflection that is worth pausing on: the extraordinary continuity of the Tayyibi Dawat through the centuries of the Imam’s occultation.

From the moment of the Imam al-Tayyib’s occultation in 528 AH / 1134 CE to the tenure of the 17th Dai in 809–821 AH / 1406–1418 CE, nearly three centuries had passed. During those three centuries, the world had changed enormously: the Crusades had come and gone; the Mongols had devastated the Islamic heartlands; the Ayyubid and Mamluk dynasties had risen and fallen; the Black Death had swept through the Mediterranean world; the Rasulid dynasty had risen to power in Yemen; the Delhi Sultanate had established Islam in South Asia; the Gujarat Sultanate had been founded. The world of the 17th Dai bore almost no resemblance to the world in which the Imam al-Tayyib had entered occultation.

And yet — the Dawat had continued. The chain of Dais had not been broken. The misaq had been renewed generation after generation. The ‘ilm of the Imams had been preserved and transmitted. The mumineen of Yemen and India had maintained their walayah to the hidden Imam through the chain of the Dais.

This continuity — across three centuries, across multiple political upheavals, across enormous geographic distances, in the face of constant pressure from majority Sunni environments — is itself a kind of miracle. It reflects the extraordinary institutional resilience of the Dawat, the depth of the mumineen’s commitment to their faith, and — in the tradition’s understanding — the divine protection of the hidden Imam, who guards his community from occultation as surely as he would guard them from any earthly threat.

The 17th Dai was one of the guardians of this continuity. His twelve years of tenure were twelve years in which the chain held — in which the Full Moon of the Faith shone steadily over the community, giving them the light they needed to continue their journey through the long night of the Imam’s occultation toward the dawn of his eventual return.


The Names of the Dais: A Chain of Light

It is a practice in the Dawat tradition to recite the names of the Dais in sequence — a form of remembrance (dhikr) that honors the chain of transmission and expresses the mumin’s acknowledgment of the Dawat’s authority. To place the 17th Dai within this chain is to see him in his proper context:

The chain of Dais who preceded Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA):

  1. Syedna Dhu’ayb ibn Musa al-Wadi’i (RA) — 1st Dai (began ~532 AH)
  2. Syedna Ibrahim ibn al-Husayn al-Hamidi (RA) — 2nd Dai
  3. Syedna Hatim ibn Ibrahim al-Hamidi (RA) — 3rd Dai
  4. Syedna ‘Ali ibn Hatim al-Hamidi (RA) — 4th Dai
  5. Syedna Muhammad ibn Hatim al-Hamidi (RA) — 5th Dai
  6. Syedna ‘Ali ibn Muhammad al-Hamidi (RA) — 6th Dai
  7. Syedna Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Nisaburi (RA) — 7th Dai
  8. Syedna al-Husayn ibn ‘Ali ibn Ahmad (RA) — 8th Dai
  9. Syedna ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn (RA) — 9th Dai
  10. Syedna Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Nahwandi (RA) — 10th Dai
  11. Syedna Ibrahim ibn Muhammad (RA) — 11th Dai
  12. Syedna Muhammad ibn Hatim (RA) — 12th Dai
  13. Syedna ‘Ali Shams al-Din I (RA) — 13th Dai
  14. Syedna Ibrahim ibn al-Husayn al-Hamidi II (RA) — 14th Dai (mazaar at Zimarmar)
  15. Syedna al-Hasan ibn Ibrahim al-Hamidi (RA) — 15th Dai
  16. Syedna ‘Abdallah Fakhr al-Din (RA) — 16th Dai (mazaar at Zimarmar), father of the 17th Dai
  17. Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) — 17th Dai (mazaar at Zimarmar)

And those who followed: 18. Syedna ‘Ali Shams al-Din II (RA) — 18th Dai, brother of the 17th Dai 19. Syedna Idris ‘Imad al-Din ibn al-Hasan (RA) — 19th Dai, son of the 17th Dai


Poetry and Praise: The Qasidas of Remembrance

The Dawat tradition honors its Dais not only through historical prose but through qasidas (odes) — poems of praise that express the mumin’s love for the Dai and that encode the Dai’s spiritual qualities in the richness of Arabic and Lisan al-Dawat poetic forms.

The following is a composition in the spirit of the qasida tradition, honoring the 17th Dai:

يَا بَدرَ الدِّيِن يَا حَسَنَ الجَمَالِ أَنتَ نُورُ الإِمَامِ فِي اللَّيلِ الطَّوِيلِ سَخَاءُكَ يُغنِي طُلَّابَ العِلمِ الكَرِيمِ وَذِكرُكَ يُنِيرُ قُلُوبَ المُؤمِنِينَ

رَبَّيتَ إِدرِيسَ وَأَنبَتَّ فِيهِ العِلمَ فَأَصبَحَ بَحرًا مِن بُحُورِ الحِكمَةِ دَعوَتُهُ فِي حَرَازَ تَحمِيهَا الجِبَالُ وَوِلَايَةُ الإِمَامِ تَحفَظُهَا الأَجيَالَ

O Badr al-Din, O Hasan of beautiful qualities, You are the Imam’s light in the long night. Your generosity enriches the students of noble ‘ilm, And your remembrance illuminates the hearts of the believers.

You raised Idris and grew ‘ilm within him, So he became a sea among the seas of wisdom. The Dawat in Haraaz is guarded by the mountains, And the Imam’s walayah is preserved through the generations.


Summary: The Full Moon in the Night of Occultation

Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) — the 17th Dai al-Mutlaq — was the Full Moon of the Faith in the deepest sense: a steady, complete, beneficent source of the Imam’s light during one of the longer stretches of the community’s journey through the night of the Imam’s occultation. His twelve years of tenure were years of careful stewardship, extraordinary generosity, and formative investment in the Dawat’s future.

He was:

He was buried at Zimarmar — where his father and the 14th Dai rest with him — in the mountain highlands of Haraaz that had been the Dawat’s home for generations. His mazaar there is a point of ziyarat, of spiritual access, of the continuing barakah of the Imam’s walayah flowing through the Dai who bore the title of the Full Moon.

The urus of Syedna al-Hasan Badr al-Din I (RA) — observed on 6 Shawwal — is a moment for the community to remember the Full Moon: to recall the generosity that he extended to students of ‘ilm during Ramadan and the Eids, the ‘ilm that he transmitted and the scholar he formed, the community he protected and the chain he kept unbroken through twelve years of faithful service to the hidden Imam.

يَرحَمُ اللهُ سَيِّدَنَا الحَسَنَ بَدرَ الدِّينِ الدَّاعِيَ السَّابِعَ عَشَرَ وَيُعلِي دَرَجَتَهُ وَيُلحِقُنَا بِوَلَايَةِ إِمَامِهِ

Yarhamu Allah Sayyidana al-Hasan Badr al-Din al-da’i al-sabi’ ‘ashar wa yu’li darajatahu wa yulhiquna bi-walayat imamih.

May Allah have mercy on our master al-Hasan Badr al-Din, the seventeenth Dai, and elevate his station, and attach us to the walayah of his Imam.


Salawat

اللّهُمَّ صَلِّ عَلَى سَيِّدِنَا الحَسَنِ بَدرِ الدِّينِ الأَوَّلِ، الدَّاعِي السَّابِعَ عَشَرَ، بَدرِ الكَرَمِ وَنُورِ العِلمِ، الَّذِي رَعَى طُلَّابَ العِلمِ بِالسَّخَاءِ، وَرَبَّى وَلَدَهُ إِدرِيسَ الَّذِي أَنَارَ الدَّعوَةَ بِتَصَانِيفِهِ، وَحَفِظَ الدَّعوَةَ فِي اليَمَنِ وَالهِندِ، وَأَدَّى أَمَانَةَ الإِمَامِ بِصِدقٍ وَإِخلَاصٍ، وَوُوِريَ فِي حِصنِ زِيمَرمَر مَعَ آبَائِهِ الأَكرَمِينَ

Allahumma salli ‘ala Sayyidina al-Hasan Badr al-Din al-awwal, al-da’i al-sabi’ ‘ashar, badr al-karam wa nur al-‘ilm, alladhi ra’a tullab al-‘ilm bi’l-sakha’, wa rabba waladahu Idris alladhi anara al-da’wa bi-tasanifih, wa hafiza al-da’wa fi’l-Yaman wa’l-Hind, wa adda amana al-imam bi-sidq wa ikhlas, wa wuri fi hisn Zimarmar ma’a aba’ihi al-akramin.

O Allah, bless our master al-Hasan Badruddin the First, the seventeenth Dai, full moon of generosity and light of knowledge, who cared for the students of ‘ilm with open-handedness, and raised his son Idris who illuminated the Dawat with his writings, and preserved the Dawat in Yemen and India, and fulfilled the Imam’s trust with sincerity and devotion, and was buried in Zimarmar fortress alongside his noble forefathers.


See also: Dai Al Mutlaq Institution, Imam Al Tayyib, Syedna Abdallah Fakhruddin 16th Dai, Syedna Ali Shamsuddin Ii 18th Dai, Syedna Idris Imaduddin 19th, Gujarat Sultanate, Haraaz Highlands, Rasulid Dynasty, Tayyibi Dawat History, Zimarmar Fort

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